Empty rhetoric and the risk of tragedy

This is a cross-post from Labour Lords, the website by and about Labour’s members of the House of Lords. You can follow their work on Twitter at @LabourLordsUK.

Baroness Bev Hughes of Stretford is Labour’s Shadow Children and Education Minister in the House of Lords

The rhetoric of the Queen’s Speech would have us believe that the government have put children and families centre stage.

We of course, welcome individual measures to improve adoption and services for disabled children and children with special educational needs; and we also welcome increased flexibility for parents sharing parental leave. Not least because these proposals all build on progress made by the last Labour government.

But in terms of how these measures square up against the scale of the crisis facing so many families, my optimism quickly fades. On women’s employment, on tax credits, on childcare benefits and on early years’ provision – services upon which many families depend to keep their heads above water – Ministers are carrying out the most sustained attack on families in a generation.

At a time when families are facing dwindling incomes against rising prices, growing unemployment and cuts to vital public services, the Queens Speech does nothing to address these real and urgent issues. It’s no surprise that the public concluded that the government is completely out of touch with the lives of ordinary people.

The mantra spouted by Ministers is that there is no alternative; that they are dealing with the economic mess left by the previous Labour government. That contention is as dishonest as it is bankrupt. They know they have choices about how fast they cut the deficit and the priorities they protect along the way.

Rising employment amongst women has been the key to rising living standards for many families over the last four decades. Not anymore. In two years, this government has reversed that trend and women’s unemployment is now the highest for 25 years. Cuts in childcare benefit, child support, tax credits, and services available in Sure Start centres and elsewhere are taking a terrible toll on family life.

The LibDems claim that quietly, behind the scenes, they smooth the jagged edges of Conservative policies.  But so many times the public have been marched up to the top of the hill by Nick Clegg and his colleagues – on education, on welfare reform, on legal aid and on health – only to be marched right back down again, let down by the LibDems.

Not only is the Coalition undermining families’ ability to give their children a good start in life, they are pulling the rug from under young people’s feet.

By common consent, youth unemployment is at crisis levels, with over a million young people now out of work, long term youth unemployment two and a half times that of a year ago, only 7% of 16-18 year olds getting  an apprenticeship last year, the scrapping the educational maintenance allowance and trebling tuition fees.

At the same time, young people have been disproportionately hit by local authority cuts to clubs, activities, youth programmes, libraries and leisure centres. They are now stuck between a rock and a hard place, with fewer jobs than at any time in the last 20 years while the cost of staying in education has soared and financial support for those most in need has been abolished.

I truly believe we are risking a lost generation of young people, with a repeat of the worst policies of the 1980s and 90s, and all the same long term consequences for young people, their families and communities – indeed for the whole of society. And that will be a tragedy.

Baroness Bev Hughes

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Stephen Twigg’s speech to NAHT Annual Conference 2012

It is a pleasure to be here at the 115th NAHT Annual Conference.

Thank you for giving the opportunity to speak today. I have looked through the delegates list for your conference and didn’t spot too many delegates from Liverpool, where my constituency is. It did lead me to wonder whether this afternoon’s FA cup final might have played a role in that? None-the-less, it is fantastic to be here with you all in Harrogate.

The NAHT has a long and proud history. I last spoke at NAHT conference as Schools Minister in York in 2003. Some of the veterans amongst you may recall the conference which was held against a back-drop of tensions between central and local government on school funding. It wasn’t the easiest time for me to have to speak on behalf of the government and you certainly didn’t give me easiest time. Whilst I do not miss the prospect of being jeered for taking difficult decisions, I do miss the responsibility of being in government. Government is an important vehicle by which to affect change, in education and in society more broadly. And whilst we didn’t get everything right in government, we made huge strides in education.

Sure Start for Early Years education, hailed by the charity 4Children as one of the great achievements of modern government;

Progress in numeracy and literacy;

Narrowing the attainment gap between children from rich and poor backgrounds;

Raising the status of the teaching profession so as to improve the outcomes of our education system;

So whilst we left office with unfinished business in education, we, together, achieved great things.

Whilst being in opposition affords politicians the space in which to reflect on the challenges ahead, it is government to which I strive in my role as Education spokesman. So whilst I was initially billed as the warm up for the Education Secretary, who addressed you before lunch, I ask of him not to get too comfortable.

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Invitation to discuss education with Stephen Twigg

Please click here to register for this event.

We are delighted to invite you to our latest Labour Teachers event:

“Excellent teaching for all” – Stephen Twigg in discussion with Labour Teachers

Tuesday 15 May 2012
6.30pm – 8.00pm


Guest speaker:
Stephen Twigg MP,
Shadow Secretary of State for Education

Venue
The Education Foundation,

Hub Westminster, New Zealand House,
80 Haymarket, London SW1Y 4TE

Labour Teachers exists to bring teachers at the chalkface face-to-face with Labour education policy makers.

We are delighted that Stephen Twigg has agreed to discuss his first few months as Shadow Secretary of State for Education, including the ongoing policy review and his pledge that the next Labour government will establish an Office of Educational Improvement to provide evidence-based assessments of education policy.

This will be a chance for teachers to ask Stephen about his work, discuss their own perspectives on the government’s education changes and help forge the progressive and persuasive education policy the Labour Party needs.

Afterwards, we hope you’ll all join us for an informal drink and chat in the Education Foundation’s innovative Learning Lab.

To let us know you’re coming, please register for tickets though our Eventbrite website here.

www.labourteachers.org.uk

Kindly hosted by The Education Foundation – the UK’s education think-tank.

www.ednfoundation.org

 

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‘Teaching: a profession of the highest esteem. Raising the status, raising attainment’ – Stephen Twigg’s speech to 2012 NASUWT Conference

Thank you for that introduction. It is a pleasure to be back here with the NASUWT.

A strong voice for teachers. In a time of such upheaval.

No-one puts her case stronger than Chris. And along with your staff, and all your members, I know you will continue to hold the Government to account for the changes that are happening across education. Changes driven by dogma and ideology.

I first came to NASUWT in Eastbourne in 1989 when I had just been elected as a Vice President of NUS.

I last came in 2005 as Minister for Schools just before the General Election. I spoke then about the importance of Social Partnership, praising NASUWT’s positive work with the then Labour Government.

Partnership is the cornerstone of my approach.

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‘Building on the best generation: excellent teaching for all’ – Stephen Twigg’s speech to ATL Conference 2012

Good afternoon and thank you for giving me the opportunity to speak to you today.

It’s great to be here with Mary and the rest of the team. The ATL has a proud history in standing up for the rights of female teachers in particular, ever since a small group of women teachers stood together in the late 19th Century. You have been and will continue to be a voice of authority; a hand of support; and a champion for excellent teaching. So I thank you for the hard work that you are all doing in schools and colleges across the country.

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NUT members in London summoned to barricades

The slow motion tumble of the NUT’s pensions campaign into utter farce continued yesterday when the Officers of the Union endorsed the Executive’s recommendation to bring London teachers out for a one day strike on March 28.

This is a deeply unwise move that can only further alienate the membership from its leadership and drive forward the image of the NUT as a union more committed to striking whenever and wherever possible than delivering for its members.

The ostensible reason for the London-wide strike is the result of the nationwide survey on the pensions campaign which closed on Wednesday. Before that vote, I gave my own clear view that both the pensions campaign itself, and the strike action that has been on the only tactic used to pursue it, should be brought to a close. Clearly, the Executive has disagreed, but the manner in which it has disagreed must raise serious questions about the behaviour of the Executive and the reasoning behind this London-wide strike.

I say it raises serious questions, because on the face of it, once anyone reads the ballot results, it seems unbelievable that national action has not been sanctioned: 96% of respondents rejected the government’s pension proposals, and 73% of respondents wished strike action to continue. That nationwide strike action has not been agreed on this basis must raise eyebrows amongst members, politicians and commentators alike: either the Executive has wilfully ignored the wishes of the members to go on strike, which seems unlikely given the actions the present Executive has agreed till now, or the turnout for the ballot was so low that it gave the Executive pause for thought in calling out all members again.

Low turnouts have been used by the Executive before to end campaigns, even with positive Yes results: the ballot of members on a second one-day strike action during the 2009-10 pay campaign produced a thin majority for action on a turnout of a little over 30%. Have we seen a repeat performance this time? PCS’s turnout for a similar question was 32% – was ours the same? People should ask if it can seriously be that 70% of members have so totally disengaged from this priority campaign that they didn’t respond in any of the three different ways (by post, internet or phone) they could have done?

The Executive knows the answer to these questions but because the NUT is not releasing the turnout figures – a fact which, by itself, raises serious questions about what that turnout was – the membership is kept in the dark. We, the members, paid for this survey via our subs – aren’t we entitled to know the full results? And if the turnout was that low, are we not entitled to a full and frank discussion about how so many members have fallen away from any interest in what their union is doing in their name?

But apparently not – so London NUT members are now faced with deciding how to respond to a call for a type of action on which they have not been consulted (no one was seriously suggesting regional strikes before this announcement) with very little information about why this decision has been reached. Is it the case that London had a significantly higher turnout than other parts of the country? Again, it would be nice to know – my own experience has been that most members I meet didn’t want to strike again, but didn’t want to totally reject the advice of the Union to vote in favour, so simply didn’t vote at all. Maybe I’m wrong, but we won’t know until we see the turnout figures and discuss what they might mean.

My suspicion is that London has been chosen because it has the largest contingent of Far Left division secretaries of any area in the country (division secretaries, it is interesting to note, were the only people the Executive saw fit to further consult with after mooting a London-wide strike, a consultation process that took all of 24 hours) – those most likely to give the answer the Executive was looking for were asked, including one member of the Socialist Party and another a member of the Socialist Workers Party – hardly representative of the wider profession or even the union.

This is an appalling disregard of the ordinary members of the union.

It is also exceptionally politically naive to push forward with another strike, if we do not wish to look weak in front of the government. If 70%, over two thirds of our membership, are disengaged from this campaign, does the Executive honestly believe this is going to lead to a well-supported and successful strike action in London? A trade union is a fraternity, not an army; a strike call is a request, not an order – and if two thirds of our members didn’t believe it was worth their while to vote again about whether action should happen, then a great many of them are simply going to choose to go in to work. The Executive is spending the most valuable currency a union possesses, its members’ loyalty, in the most slapdash and ill thought-out way; indeed in a way that will expose to government the weaknesses of the union in general – the claim that there is a strategy behind this is simply laughable.

The clearest mark of the total air of unreality that has descended upon the leadership of the National Union of Teachers comes in the press release which accompanied this announcement: “The NUT believes it is essential that the teaching profession stands united on this issue,” said the General Secretary.

If this is true, then why on earth are London members being called out on March 28 – the ATL, NAHT, ASCL have already settled with the government; the NASUWT has made absolutely clear that it won’t countenance strike action until after its Easter Conference; the EIS, whose support NUT members were virtually assured of in the messages which came with the ballot paper, is not striking. The teaching profession won’t be standing united on March 28 in London or anywhere – as teachers, the NUT will stand alone.

This is utterly bizarre and only confirms my view that the present leadership of the NUT is more interested in set-piece strike actions that generate a great deal of noise but very little in terms of real change. Pay campaign, SATs ballot and now pensions – all light, no heat.

Why does this matter? Well, aside from the fact that the Executive has cynically contrived to demand of London members a further sacrifice in a campaign that it must now see ought to have been declared finished, this call for action is an urgent warning to all ordinary members of the union, many of them Labour-voting but also others, that their current Executive would rather dance to tune of activists from Far Left sects than stand up as a serious, responsible voice for teachers in hard times.

Sometimes, leadership requires that you turn away from the showy antics of unhelpful strike action, tell the Far Left that though they may be the loudest voice they are not most important, and honestly give members the hard truth: this campaign is over, and there are others more pressing. That the Executive has failed to do so will leave the union weaker in the face of what is coming, and less trusted by its members. And that should worry us all.

John Blake (@johndavidblake)

 

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The Secret Headteacher: Gove’s Revolution

The Secret Headteacher is an urban headteacher who supports Labour.

Last year  Michael Gove (MG) reflected on his first year in office and stated that he had only just started to initiate the revolution in schools in England that he wanted to see. This is a revolution nobody has noticed because as Gill Scott Heron once stated ‘The revolution will not be televised’

When MG took office many of us joked that he had changed things from ‘Every Child Matters to Every Toff Matters’.

Many of us secretly agreed with his focus on teaching and learning rather than parts of the ECM agenda that we lacked the expertise, resources and partnership work from our local Social Services or CAMHS to deliver.

Recently a few of us even cheered when we heard that schools that were good or outstanding at OfSTED through a few too many tricks that don’t really advantage the students were marked down a grade.

In addition lots of us know that some vocational qualifications were over valued and useless.

However all of that is irrelevant as the mist is now starting to lift on MG’s project. His revolution. Its not about teaching or behaviour. It is a revolution that within 10 years will make state education in the UK resemble health care in the USA.

Its all rather simple.

There are just 8 simple steps to the MG revolution. We are already on step 8:

1. Create, through a willing new Chief Inspector and the Tory press, a climate in which the public feels schools are doing badly and radical change is needed

2. Free schools from LA control, by allowing them to convert to Academies, through a variety of bribes such as NC freedom and cash or forced conversion due to poor outcomes. Further increase the number of Academies through raising the bar for floor  standards and for inspection

3. Create a climate in which anybody can open a new Academy, called a free school’, regardless of need. Provide support to do this to those applicants who don’t meet the criteria to open a free school the first time they apply

4. Remove national pay and conditions and the National Curriculum for Academies so they can undercut LA controlled schools.

5. When new Academies or existing schools fail at inspection or do not meet the new floor standards allow any Academy operator or Free School group to bid to take them over. Ensure that the Local Authority has no capacity to help the school improve. This creates a market which will favour larger Academy chains who will  take over the schools with the best prospects of getting a full roll and improved results. Leave the unwanted schools for the free schools applicants and others to support.

6. When the unwanted schools get even worse offer incentives to the Academy chains to take them over

7. Allow Academy chains to set up businesses that can borrow money in order to invest in resources.

8. Allow the Academy businesses to make a profit on selected services by claiming that other  companies can make a profit on supplying books, cleaners, HR and food to their schools. Congratulate Pearson and Barclays on backing these new businesses

The Secret Headteacher

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‘Unleashing innovation in schools’ – Stephen Twigg’s speech to Foundation, Aided Schools and Academies National Association

“I want every school in Britain to be a cradle for innovation, not just a learning factory.”

Labour’s Shadow Education Secretary, Stephen Twigg, spoke to the Foundation, Aided Schools and Academies National Association this morning, developing his ideas about innovation in school. The full text of his speech is below.

Thank you for inviting me to speak to you this morning and for the excellent work that you are doing to promote innovation and energy in our schools.

I was delighted to have been appointed as Labour’s Education spokesman under the leadership of Ed Miliband.

I have visited over thirty schools since my appointment in October. And one thing that has struck me is the excellent practice- in innovation and creativity- in operation in many of our schools. Fostering collaboration and sharing best practice between schools are hugely important themes and ones that I will pick up on in my remarks this morning.

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Failing in teaching

Ever tried. Ever failed. No matter. Try again. Fail again. Fail better.

Samuel Beckett

This is a cross-post from Michael’s blog Outside In.

Failing failing

If one takes responsibility for an outcome away from the individual involved in performing an action, what happens?

Or to frame this using an example, if one exhorts an individual to achieve a particular target, but places all responsibility and consequence for the failure to achieve that target on the shoulders of somebody else, is this more or less likely to mould an individual committed to achieving the set target? And, equally as importantly, what reaction is it likely to produce amongst those upon whom responsibility for failure shall ultimately be placed?

So the same with teaching. When primary responsibility for success or failure is taken away from the student and placed instead on the shoulders of teachers, what effect might this have on the education system? Is it beneficial for moulding well-educated and well-balanced young individuals, or not? Is it a recipe for high-standards and an academically rigorous system, or not? Is it a way to achieve confidence in the exams system as giving a true representation of capability, or not?

Failing students

This strikes me as an important question, particularly in light of recent drip drip revelations about the lengths which teachers and schools more generally are willing to go to achieve student success, even when it might stray into the realms of the ethically dubious. Or to phrase it in the slightly more hysterical (though possibly more accurate) words of some: with cases of teacher ‘cheating’ appearing on the radar more and more often, might it not be worthwhile questioning why this might be so? As a tentative first response, one might simply respond: when the stakes are highest for teachers, sometimes they crack.

Michael Gove, in this sense, is a fully signed up member of the ‘All Must Have Prizes’ club. This sounds curious, since he has recently gone on record acknowledging that re-instilling academic integrity to the exams system will come at the cost of more children failing to achieve the exam grades they might currently expect to receive. The important bit, however, is what comes next – that Headmasters and teachers will inevitably lose their jobs in light of this. Which is understandable when the issue is clear-cut enough as ‘your pedagogy is bonkers and this is leading to widespread failure,’ though not so much when it merely articulates the complete removal of responsibility from students themselves.

Cue gasps and shock from an astonished crowd, who expect (quite rightly) that teachers are there to educate and should be held to account where they fail to do so. On which I agree. But that need not come at the price of holding teachers solely responsible for failure (nor, indeed, for success). This is not an either/or settlement.

Which is where Gove gets it wrong, on both education and ethics. For him, all students must progress to achieve their potential (as determined by the DATA), and their failure to do so can only be the result of poor teaching and/or poor school management. Children, it would seem, are predictable agents for whom the consistent, high-quality application of xwill always produce the predicted outcome of y. Should that outcome fail to materialise then the process must be the problem; or rather, those responsible for input must be at fault. As such, failure and failing has been banished from the classroom – it can only exist in the staffroom.

The wheels of this manifestly fictional ruse are greased with an emotive barrage of unanswerable rhetoric, typically summed up with questions like ‘would you accept this for your children?!’ as if the vast majority of teachers, who break their bodies and often their hearts trying to do all they can to help other peoples’ children succeed, want anything less than the very best for those under their tutelage.

Failing teachers

But sometimes immediate success is not deliverable. It just isn’t. And this is not about a deficit of teacher motivation, or enthusiasm, or desire, or capability, but rather the reflection of the fact that children can be every bit as complex and confusing as the adult population they will one day become. As such, sometimes children simply do not want to learn. Or rather more accurately, they actively do not want to learn that which is on offer to them, and will remain obstinate in their refusal to do so. Being human, they do not conform to projected grades and precise statistical calculation, meekly passing through the education system fulfilling all progress indicators along the way – they are independent minds, as occasionally difficult and irrational as the best of us, willing to throw a belligerent spoke in the wheels of the bureaucrat with his clipboard and flipcharts of ‘progress.’

What can be done? Well, we shout, punish, cajole, encourage, inspire, even bribe. We deliver sermons from on high about how this should not be so. We endlessly reflect and reach out, trying everything in our power to bring back into the educational fold those who remain doggedly determined to resist our overtures.

But the reality is that the targets of our efforts do not always respond as we wish they would. They freely choose a path that everyone involved with them wishes they wouldn’t. And that path, oftentimes, leads to failure.

Which is something of a problem in an ‘All Must Have Prizes’ culture, where failure and failing is neither a part of the development process nor a fact to be mournfully expected as the inevitable outcome of bad choices, even if never passively accepted. Yet with the cultural and political failure to acknowledge this, teachers and school management are under constant pressure to show that they are not culpable in the failure of the student. And since any failure, by the terms of the game, is itself evidence of culpability, this means teachers are under constant pressure to avoid all failure whatever. At which point that murky landscape of educational ethics comes into view, with exhausted and anxious teachers straying over the once clear demarcation lines, in the process creating a culture that absolves students from real responsibility (and even, sometimes, effort) in their own learning and achievement.

In short, the game has shifted disastrously: if a student does not achieve their grades or predicted levels of progress, then primary responsibility for this lies not with student but with teacher. Michael Gove, for all his disdain of those Guardianistas who place the influence of external factors over the demand for personal responsibility, is nonetheless guilty of the very same.

Failing to succeed

Superficially, of course, this aversion to failure is clearly A Good Thing. But there is another side to the coin. If a student does not take responsibility for failures, then from where shall come motivation for improvement? Or to turn it on its head, if a student does not take deserved credit for success, then from where shall come the realisation that from hard work and commitment comes the thrill of achievement? And again, the question must be put – why would teachers risk their very careers and succumb to the temptation of ‘cheating’?

As unpopular as it is to say it, there is a meritocratic and even spiritual value to failure, even if we have abolished it from our classrooms. Not in the existential sense, of course, but certainly in the developmental sense – to cultivate in the individual the recognition that success comes with hard work not tantrums, that achievement is the end point of a gruelling process not the contractual outcome of mere attendance, that bad choices lead to bad outcomes and the art of living well is learning to discriminate between good and bad choices.

 

Michael Merrick (@Michael_Merrick)

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Why (and When) Class Matters

This is a cross-post from Citizenship teacher and writer Laura McInerney’s blog. Written as a response to a blog on Informed Education, itself a response to a Twitter debate about whether or not it is acceptable to refer to students as ‘working class’

Facts about class matter. One particular fact motivated my curiosity all the way through A-Levels, through my UCAS application to study politics and was the thing I got most fired up about in an Oxford admissions interview.

The fact was:  If you are born into a family with a father working as an unskilled manual labourer you are seven times more likely to die by the age of 2 than if you are born to a father in a ‘professional managerial’ position.

Think about that: Before you are capable of dressing or feeding yourself properly, you are seven times more likely to die because at the end of your birth-tunnel there was a different pair of hands waiting for you than at the end of someone else’s. Class – just like ethnicity or nationality – is a gynacological lottery that significantly impacts your chance of survival.*

Over the years some other facts have struck me as equally important:

Lesbian and gay young people are 3 times more likely to commit suicide than heterosexual peers (paper here)

Black people are over-represented in prison by 7 times their number in the British population (here)

Only 22% of elected MPs are women

All of these statistics point us towards inequalities in opportunity or the attitudes towards certain groups in our society. My view is that not only do we have a duty to talk about these statistics we must analyse the “Why?” and “What can be done?” It is too easy to get dragged down into the minutiae: What is meant by ‘lesbian and gay’?  Someone who is in a same-sex relationship or had any sexual contact with someone of the same sex?  Or, in the case of race: How do you account for mixed race?  Is it the same for African and Caribbean nations? One can make infinitely more delicate definitions – and research papers generally do otherwise they wouldn’t pass peer-review – but the truth remains: some things are more likely to happen to you than other things given your ethnicity, gender, social background, etc, and pretending this isn’t true won’t help anyone.

Knowing that such discrimination exists, however, does not make it inevitable for everyone.  For example, I have long advocated about transgender issues as I grew up with someone who transitioned from female to male. I have campaigned particularly about the high percentage of transexuals who experience employment discrimination. Acknowledging that employer prejudice exists does not mean I assume it happens to every transgender person nor that I think it’s acceptable – quite the opposite! – but talking about the issue is important because it might lead someone in charge of employment policies to think carefully about their recruitment. [In fact, when I worked at McDonald's I wrote to Head Office about the difference in men and women's uniforms for precisely this reason].

Speaking about inequality is imperative for getting change in society.  An abstract fear of ‘generalising’ across people in a discriminated group is not a good enough reason to sweep differences in their treatment or access to services under the carpet. But simply knowing that a group you belong to faces inequities should not – it must not! – lead to the limiting of a child’s belief about what they can do in the future. Just this week I ran a series of Tweets taking quotes from biographies my students did of people with disabilities who excelled in their field and who they compared themselves to in a piece of comparative biographical writing.  In my classroom we didn’t pretend that disability had no bearing on the person’s life, just as I don’t pretend that growing up in a family with little education had no impact on me – but the message is made clear that with dedication and effort one can certainly overcome those odds.

There is no inherent contradiction between talking honestly about the problems a group faces and wanting there to be a change in the future. In fact, I wonder if change is ever really possible without accepting and talking about such differences?

So, my final fact is this: The background and body you are born into impacts the likelihood of certain life outcomes and the discrimination you may face. When I am thinking as a policymaker I have a responsibility to question these inequalities and consider how policies might overcome them.  As a teacher, however, I truthfully recognise these challenge and difficulties, discussing honestly with students, but also demonstrating that the responsibility for making the best use of our background and bodies rests firmly on the student’s shoulders. At least as long as they’ve made it past the age of 2.

Laura McInerney (@miss_mcinerney)

*At least it did in the late 90s. The difference may have shifted since then.

 

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